Since December 2015, a rumour has been circulating in Yangon that the Commander-in-Chief of Myanmar’s armed forces is investigating several police and intelligence officers for corruption. If that is true, then it is a timely reminder of the often tense relationship between components of the country’s coercive apparatus, just as Aung San Suu Kyi and the National League for Democracy are forming a new government in Naypyidaw.
Over the past five years, the armed forces (known as the Tatmadaw) and the Myanmar Police Force (MPF) have consistently received strong support from President Thein Sein. In large part, this has been to help them modernise and introduce wide-ranging reform programs. Both have modified their organisational structures, acquired new arms and equipment and made an effort to win back public respect through innovative public relations campaigns.
Also, the Tatmadaw has stepped back from day-to-day politics and given a higher priority to territorial defence. It aims to become smaller, but more capable, more professional and better connected internationally. In an effort to civilianise Myanmar’s internal security operations, the MPF plans to expand from 80,000 to 155,000 by 2020. With foreign help, it is receiving training in human rights, community policing and modern methods of crowd control.
The army and police have always worked closely together, patrolling Myanmar’s borders, conducting counter-insurgency campaigns and putting down internal unrest. In intelligence operations, the military agencies have shared a range of interests with Special Branch and the Bureau of Special Investigations (BSI). There has always been rivalry between the armed forces and police, however, and this has sometimes caused problems.
Please click here to read the full “The potential for Army-Police rivalry in Myanmar” article in the Interpreter by Griffith Asia Institute Adjunct Associate Professor, Dr Andrew Selth.
